Source: Reuters, 06/12/2011
GENEVA-The United Nations called on all factions in Yemen on Tuesday to cease attacks on civilians and urged the government to allow access for aid supplies and U.N. human rights monitors.
In coordinated statements, the U.N. human rights office, the U.N. Children's Fund (UNICEF) and the Yemen Humanitarian Coordinator voiced concern about the deteriorating situation despite the signing of a peace deal nearly two weeks ago.
"We condemn continuing attacks on civilians particularly in Taiz where we are seeing reports that 22 people have been killed in shooting and shelling since Thursday last week (December 1), including two children," Ravina Shamdasani, a spokeswoman for U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay, told a news briefing.
"The continued use of disproportionate force by part of the government security forces despite commitments made to investigate serious human rights violations is extremely disappointing," she said. "The killings must stop immediately and we urge all sides to halt the use of violent force."
Forces loyal to outgoing Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh shot dead a woman at a protest march in Taiz on Monday, witnesses and activists said, despite tanks withdrawing under a ceasefire pact.
Anti-Saleh tribesmen brandishing Kalashnikov rifles and members of the Republican Guard, led by Saleh's son Ahmed, were still on many of Taiz's streets, witnesses said.
UNICEF said that its figures showed that 3 children had been killed and 7 injured in the latest round of violence in Taiz, some 200 km (120 miles) south of the capital Sanaa.
"That brings the total number of children killed so far to 138, the majority through live ammunition. This includes bullets, shelling and missile attacks," UNICEF spokeswoman Marixie Mercado said, adding that 568 children had been wounded to date.
"Our youngest victim thus far was 3 months old, killed in Taiz on the first of December," she told reporters in Geneva.
Heavy shelling and street fighting have damaged civilian neighbourhoods and forced many residents to flee their homes in Taiz, the Yemen Humanitarian Country Team that links U.N. and other aid agencies said in a statement issued on Tuesday.
"Access to basic social services is increasingly limited and schools and hospitals have been occupied or come under attack by armed forces and armed groups," depriving more than 100,000 children of access to schooling or health care, it said.
"We call upon all armed actors involved in the conflict in Taiz to ensure the safety and protection of all civilians in accordance with universally recognised principles of human rights and international humanitarian law," said Jens Toyberg-Frandzen, U.N. humanitarian coordinator for Yemen.
Tuesday, 6 December 2011
Saturday, 3 December 2011
Yemen's Islamist party that leads the opposition undemocratic and fundamentalists make final decisions
Islamist party commits suicide if it works alone
Yemen’s Opposition May Be Caught by Its Own Double Game
Source: The New York Times, By KAREEM FAHIM, 03/12/2011
SANA, Yemen — For years, Islah, the country’s largest and best organized opposition group, played a double game in Yemeni politics, maintaining close ties to the government of President Ali Abdullah Saleh while it also cultivated a network of supporters to defeat him.
Its shifting alliances, reflecting different currents within the movement, helped keep Islah ahead of its opposition rivals in Yemen. That strategy also kept Islah out of power, unable to credibly offer an alternative to a government it was seen to be in league with.
Now, with the increasing likelihood of Mr. Saleh’s exit, Islah, like Islamist organizations around the region, should be poised to win a strong showing at the polls. But that outcome may be in doubt: The strategy that kept the party afloat through the Saleh years may have undermined its credibility.
Unlike the largely untested Islamist parties that are rising to power in the wake of the uprisings in Egypt, Tunisia and Morocco, Yemen’s Islamists may find that their long record in politics here, stretching over two decades, is a liability, analysts said. Islah’s leaders — even if they hold strong positions in the interim unity government — will have to contend with the party’s mixed record of governance, confusion about its ideological goals and the continued dominance of Mr. Saleh’s ruling party, which remains intact, analysts said.
Like the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, the Yemeni movement has been dealing with increasingly visible divisions as it edges closer to greater power. Days after Islah’s leaders signed on to an agreement that required Mr. Saleh to hand over his executive powers in exchange for a promise of immunity, many of the group’s members were still protesting in the streets and fuming at what they saw as an unacceptable compromise.
“This is politics,” said Ali Mohammed al-Hadda, an Islah member sitting in Change Square, where protesters, including thousands of party members, have camped out for 10 months pressing for Mr. Saleh to resign. After the signing the deal, fights broke out between youth activists also furious at the agreement, and Islah members, who in turn, blamed their leaders.
“The revolution’s goals have not been met,” Mr. Hadda said. “We told them we are very angry.”
For their part, Islah’s leaders are trying to use the moment to reintroduce themselves to Yemenis. During a two-year transitional period that starts with a presidential election in February, they will share power with other opposition groups and the ruling party in a national unity government. Islah politicians are expected to be named to important cabinet posts.
Like other regional Islamist parties, some of Islah’s leaders are promoting their plans to fight corruption and create a civil state based on laws, while publicly playing down any talk of imposing a religious social agenda, for fear of frightening voters.
“The most important thing to do in this period is reassure people that we are not just seeking power,” said Rajeh Badi, the editor of Islah’s newspaper, As-Sahwah. “I think Islah is not going to work alone. Islah knows if it works alone, it commits suicide.”
Founded in 1990 by members of the Yemeni Muslim Brotherhood and powerful tribesmen after the unification of North and South Yemen, Islah colluded with Mr. Saleh to blunt the influence of the Socialist Party. By the end of the decade, Islah had been transformed to the opposition, though one of its founders, Sheik Abdullah al-Ahmar, remained an ally of Mr. Saleh.
Strengthened by a highly effective recruitment policy, as well as its organizational skills and its provision of services the government could not provide, Islah became the country’s biggest opposition party.
Even so, Yemeni voters repeatedly denied the movement a mandate. In elections for local councils in 2006, Mr. Saleh, outmaneuvered the Islamists, who won far fewer seats than expected. Some of Islah’s own leaders, including Sheik Ahmar, propelled their rivals to victory by publicly endorsing Mr. Saleh.
The party has also had to face lingering resentment from southern Yemenis, who remember the role played by Islamist militias allied with the north during the civil war of 1994.
Yemeni analysts say Islah’s future success will depend in large part on how it manages its own diverse membership, in a party that includes Muslim Brotherhood members, ultraconservatives called Salafis, tribal sheiks and businessmen. Tawakkol Karman, the journalist and Nobel laureate whose arrest in January helped set off Yemen’s revolution, is affiliated with the group’s more moderate current.
On the other side is Abdul Majid al-Zindani, a onetime mentor to Osama bin Laden who was named a “specially designated global terrorist” by the United States Treasury Department in 2004. Mr. Zindani is the most the prominent leader of the old-guard camp that many Yemeni observers say still holds sway in the party, despite assertions by moderates that they are becoming more influential.
In March, Mr. Zindani spoke at Change Square, delivering the message that was both a signal of his break with Mr. Saleh and an indicator of his view of the party’s goals. “An Islamic state is coming!” he declared.
April Longley Alley, who studies Yemen for the International Crisis Group, said Islah’s organizational structure helped the movement bind some of its conflicting parts, but she added: “Some people who want to shift the party in a different direction have been stifled by the internal organization. The system appears to be undemocratic. The older generation of leadership seems to make the ultimate decisions.”
The battles within the movement have played out in public. Mr. Zindani was behind a push to form so-called Virtue Councils to regulate morality in public life. More recently, he and Ms. Karman were on opposite sides of one of the group’s more contentious battles, whether to raise the minimum age to 17 from 15 for marriage in a country where young girls, especially in rural areas, often marry in their early teens.
The measure was defeated in Parliament.
Islah members joined the protests in Sana this year, where its members turned out by the thousands, providing security, food and medical expertise to the pro-democracy camp.
That signaled the group’s most forceful break with Mr. Saleh, but also led to accusations that the party was trying to co-opt the demonstration. The opposition was joined by soldiers loyal to a defected major general, Ali Mohsin al-Ahmar, who has ties with the Islamist group.
Now, political activists trying to start new parties in Yemen are hoping that younger Islah members disillusioned by the party will consider leaving. “I know a lot of people who had no problem with Islah. But they saw the real face of Islah in the square,” said Najeeb Ghallab, a researcher at Sana University who considers himself a liberal.
Despite the internal divisions, many of Islah’s leaders are adamant that the party will not fracture, saying that such divides are normal for a political party, and healthy. Ali al-Ansi, an Islah lawmaker, said: “There are different debates, within every ideological group, taking place. The formal decision-making process is democratic,” he said.
Mr. Ansi said the ruling party was hoping, for its own reasons, for a split within Islah, but he added, “It would never take place.”
Yemen’s Opposition May Be Caught by Its Own Double Game
Source: The New York Times, By KAREEM FAHIM, 03/12/2011
SANA, Yemen — For years, Islah, the country’s largest and best organized opposition group, played a double game in Yemeni politics, maintaining close ties to the government of President Ali Abdullah Saleh while it also cultivated a network of supporters to defeat him.
Its shifting alliances, reflecting different currents within the movement, helped keep Islah ahead of its opposition rivals in Yemen. That strategy also kept Islah out of power, unable to credibly offer an alternative to a government it was seen to be in league with.
Now, with the increasing likelihood of Mr. Saleh’s exit, Islah, like Islamist organizations around the region, should be poised to win a strong showing at the polls. But that outcome may be in doubt: The strategy that kept the party afloat through the Saleh years may have undermined its credibility.
Unlike the largely untested Islamist parties that are rising to power in the wake of the uprisings in Egypt, Tunisia and Morocco, Yemen’s Islamists may find that their long record in politics here, stretching over two decades, is a liability, analysts said. Islah’s leaders — even if they hold strong positions in the interim unity government — will have to contend with the party’s mixed record of governance, confusion about its ideological goals and the continued dominance of Mr. Saleh’s ruling party, which remains intact, analysts said.
Like the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, the Yemeni movement has been dealing with increasingly visible divisions as it edges closer to greater power. Days after Islah’s leaders signed on to an agreement that required Mr. Saleh to hand over his executive powers in exchange for a promise of immunity, many of the group’s members were still protesting in the streets and fuming at what they saw as an unacceptable compromise.
“This is politics,” said Ali Mohammed al-Hadda, an Islah member sitting in Change Square, where protesters, including thousands of party members, have camped out for 10 months pressing for Mr. Saleh to resign. After the signing the deal, fights broke out between youth activists also furious at the agreement, and Islah members, who in turn, blamed their leaders.
“The revolution’s goals have not been met,” Mr. Hadda said. “We told them we are very angry.”
For their part, Islah’s leaders are trying to use the moment to reintroduce themselves to Yemenis. During a two-year transitional period that starts with a presidential election in February, they will share power with other opposition groups and the ruling party in a national unity government. Islah politicians are expected to be named to important cabinet posts.
Like other regional Islamist parties, some of Islah’s leaders are promoting their plans to fight corruption and create a civil state based on laws, while publicly playing down any talk of imposing a religious social agenda, for fear of frightening voters.
“The most important thing to do in this period is reassure people that we are not just seeking power,” said Rajeh Badi, the editor of Islah’s newspaper, As-Sahwah. “I think Islah is not going to work alone. Islah knows if it works alone, it commits suicide.”
Founded in 1990 by members of the Yemeni Muslim Brotherhood and powerful tribesmen after the unification of North and South Yemen, Islah colluded with Mr. Saleh to blunt the influence of the Socialist Party. By the end of the decade, Islah had been transformed to the opposition, though one of its founders, Sheik Abdullah al-Ahmar, remained an ally of Mr. Saleh.
Strengthened by a highly effective recruitment policy, as well as its organizational skills and its provision of services the government could not provide, Islah became the country’s biggest opposition party.
Even so, Yemeni voters repeatedly denied the movement a mandate. In elections for local councils in 2006, Mr. Saleh, outmaneuvered the Islamists, who won far fewer seats than expected. Some of Islah’s own leaders, including Sheik Ahmar, propelled their rivals to victory by publicly endorsing Mr. Saleh.
The party has also had to face lingering resentment from southern Yemenis, who remember the role played by Islamist militias allied with the north during the civil war of 1994.
Yemeni analysts say Islah’s future success will depend in large part on how it manages its own diverse membership, in a party that includes Muslim Brotherhood members, ultraconservatives called Salafis, tribal sheiks and businessmen. Tawakkol Karman, the journalist and Nobel laureate whose arrest in January helped set off Yemen’s revolution, is affiliated with the group’s more moderate current.
On the other side is Abdul Majid al-Zindani, a onetime mentor to Osama bin Laden who was named a “specially designated global terrorist” by the United States Treasury Department in 2004. Mr. Zindani is the most the prominent leader of the old-guard camp that many Yemeni observers say still holds sway in the party, despite assertions by moderates that they are becoming more influential.
In March, Mr. Zindani spoke at Change Square, delivering the message that was both a signal of his break with Mr. Saleh and an indicator of his view of the party’s goals. “An Islamic state is coming!” he declared.
April Longley Alley, who studies Yemen for the International Crisis Group, said Islah’s organizational structure helped the movement bind some of its conflicting parts, but she added: “Some people who want to shift the party in a different direction have been stifled by the internal organization. The system appears to be undemocratic. The older generation of leadership seems to make the ultimate decisions.”
The battles within the movement have played out in public. Mr. Zindani was behind a push to form so-called Virtue Councils to regulate morality in public life. More recently, he and Ms. Karman were on opposite sides of one of the group’s more contentious battles, whether to raise the minimum age to 17 from 15 for marriage in a country where young girls, especially in rural areas, often marry in their early teens.
The measure was defeated in Parliament.
Islah members joined the protests in Sana this year, where its members turned out by the thousands, providing security, food and medical expertise to the pro-democracy camp.
That signaled the group’s most forceful break with Mr. Saleh, but also led to accusations that the party was trying to co-opt the demonstration. The opposition was joined by soldiers loyal to a defected major general, Ali Mohsin al-Ahmar, who has ties with the Islamist group.
Now, political activists trying to start new parties in Yemen are hoping that younger Islah members disillusioned by the party will consider leaving. “I know a lot of people who had no problem with Islah. But they saw the real face of Islah in the square,” said Najeeb Ghallab, a researcher at Sana University who considers himself a liberal.
Despite the internal divisions, many of Islah’s leaders are adamant that the party will not fracture, saying that such divides are normal for a political party, and healthy. Ali al-Ansi, an Islah lawmaker, said: “There are different debates, within every ideological group, taking place. The formal decision-making process is democratic,” he said.
Mr. Ansi said the ruling party was hoping, for its own reasons, for a split within Islah, but he added, “It would never take place.”
Thursday, 1 December 2011
Three main challenges facing the solution, and Islamist party wants to gain from three fronts
By Nasser Arrabyee,01/12:2011
Three big obstacles are facing the International community-supported political process to end the one-year long crisis of Yemen.
The first one is the ongoing war between the government forces and militants of the Islamic party, Islah, in Taiz, Arhab and Nehm.
The tribal militants claim they defend the protesters. Five soldiers were killed and 15 others injured on Thursday, December 1, 2011, in Taiz in the fighting with the tribal militants who allegedly support protesters. Five protesters at least were killed in the same confrontation.
The second obstacle is the fighting between the Salafi Sunni fighters and Al Houthi Shiite fighters in the northern province of Saada.
The head of the Salafi, Yahya Al Hajouri, called Wednesday for Jihad (Holy war) against Al Houthi as "unbelievers".
" The greatest deed to get closer and closer to Allah Almighty is to fight Al Houthi, Rafedha," said Al Hajouri in a statement addressed to the Islamic Ummah.
Al Houthi and Salafis exchange accusations that the government is supporting one of them against the other.
Obviously, the Islamist party, Islah, wants to achieve from three different fronts: It wants to have the lion's share from the negotiations with the ruling party, as the leader of the opposition.
And it wants to gain from the war its supporters and members are launching against the government forces and loyal tribesmen in Taiz, Arhab and Nehm.
The third front from which Islah wants to gain, is the protesters in the streets whose majority belong to Islah. Inspired and instructed by Islah, the protesters keep refusing the GCC deal which was signed by Islah and the other opposition parties.
The third obstacle facing the implementation of the GCC is the separation movement of the south, Al Hirak.
Al Houthi and Hirak refuse the GCC deal.
The international community needs to take these challenges into considerations and support the political process and encourage Yemenis to rebuild their country.
Yemenis have just started to rebuild their country after about one year of wars and unrest.
However, they are still facing a lot of challenges. To build is much more difficult than to destroy.
The most important two decisions to rebuild the new Yemen were taken immediately after the conflicting parties signed last week a road map showing step by step how both the opposition and the ruling party would run the country until February 2014 when a civil and democratic State is fully established.
The first decision was to call on Yemenis to elect a new President on February 21st, 2012 to run the country during the coming two years required for establishing the long-awaited modern State that would meet the ambitions and aspirations of all Yemenis.
The second decision was to entrust an opposition leader to form a national consensus government shared equally by both the opposition and the ruling party to normalize the life after the wars and help the new elected president to establish the new State.
The two important decisions were taken by the Vice President Abdu Rabu Mansour Hadi, who has now constitutional powers to implement the Saudi-led Gulf brokered deal for transferring the power from President Ali Abdullah Saleh.
According to the GCC deal and its implementation mechanism, which were signed by all conflicting parties on November 23rd, 2011 in the Saudi capital Riyadh, President Saleh will remain legitimate until a new president is elected on February 21st, 2011.
The candidate of both the opposition and the ruling party in the February Presidential elections must be the current Vice President Mr Hadi, according to the road map, which is called the implementation mechanism, which was drawn by the UN envoy to Yemen, Jamal Bin Omar and approved and signed by all conflicting parties in Yemen.
Undoubtedly, Mr Hadi would be the new elected President for the two years of transitional period.
By then, Hadi will have his legitimacy directly from the people, not like the case now when his powers come only from the constitutional authorization of President Saleh.
During next week, the unity government will be declared and its members will take the constitutional oath before Mr Hadi.
To avoid the conflict over the important ministries like the defense and oil, the opposition will make two lists with each one having 50 percent of the portfolios. And the ruling party will choose one of the lists to be occupied by its members.
The UN Security Council and international community supported the agreement which came as implementation of its resolution 2014.
The SC urged the two sides to stick to all steps of the road map and implement them on time. The two sides should stop violence, and whoever violates would be held accountable.
The president Saleh from his side, issued a general amnesty for all Yemenis who made mistakes against the government during the 11 month of the crisis.
But the Presidential amnesty does not include those who tried to assassinate Saleh on June 3, 2011.
Although the solution of the Yemeni crisis was and is supported by the whole international community, a lot of difficulties are facing the implementation of the road map. The most dangerous challenge is the security and military situation.
The militants of the Islamist party, Islah, are still in sporadic confrontations with the army and security in many places like Taiz and Arhab.
The separatist movement in the south and Al Houth Shiite rebels in the north and some independent youth, still refuse the GCC deal.
The UN envoy to Yemen, Jamal Bin Omar said Monday November 28, 2011, that the separatist movement in the south and Al Houthi in the north and the independent youth should be represented in the new interim government.
The separatist movement in the south insist on separation and having their own independent state. Al Houthi group wants to establish their own Shiite state in the north at the borders with the Sunni Saudi Arabia.
More than 30 Salafi people were killed last week in battles between Al Houthi Shiite fighters and Salafi fighters in the area of Dammaj, in Saada, north of the country.
Al Houthi group says, the Salafi center in Damnaj was established in the early 1980s by the Yemeni and Saudi governments with the aim of abolishing the Shiite.
The Dammaj Salafi school has about 12,000 students from Yemen and outside Yemen.
About 11 foreign students were killed in the battles of last week in Dammaj according to the spokesman of the Salafi school, Abu Ismail.
Three big obstacles are facing the International community-supported political process to end the one-year long crisis of Yemen.
The first one is the ongoing war between the government forces and militants of the Islamic party, Islah, in Taiz, Arhab and Nehm.
The tribal militants claim they defend the protesters. Five soldiers were killed and 15 others injured on Thursday, December 1, 2011, in Taiz in the fighting with the tribal militants who allegedly support protesters. Five protesters at least were killed in the same confrontation.
The second obstacle is the fighting between the Salafi Sunni fighters and Al Houthi Shiite fighters in the northern province of Saada.
The head of the Salafi, Yahya Al Hajouri, called Wednesday for Jihad (Holy war) against Al Houthi as "unbelievers".
" The greatest deed to get closer and closer to Allah Almighty is to fight Al Houthi, Rafedha," said Al Hajouri in a statement addressed to the Islamic Ummah.
Al Houthi and Salafis exchange accusations that the government is supporting one of them against the other.
Obviously, the Islamist party, Islah, wants to achieve from three different fronts: It wants to have the lion's share from the negotiations with the ruling party, as the leader of the opposition.
And it wants to gain from the war its supporters and members are launching against the government forces and loyal tribesmen in Taiz, Arhab and Nehm.
The third front from which Islah wants to gain, is the protesters in the streets whose majority belong to Islah. Inspired and instructed by Islah, the protesters keep refusing the GCC deal which was signed by Islah and the other opposition parties.
The third obstacle facing the implementation of the GCC is the separation movement of the south, Al Hirak.
Al Houthi and Hirak refuse the GCC deal.
The international community needs to take these challenges into considerations and support the political process and encourage Yemenis to rebuild their country.
Yemenis have just started to rebuild their country after about one year of wars and unrest.
However, they are still facing a lot of challenges. To build is much more difficult than to destroy.
The most important two decisions to rebuild the new Yemen were taken immediately after the conflicting parties signed last week a road map showing step by step how both the opposition and the ruling party would run the country until February 2014 when a civil and democratic State is fully established.
The first decision was to call on Yemenis to elect a new President on February 21st, 2012 to run the country during the coming two years required for establishing the long-awaited modern State that would meet the ambitions and aspirations of all Yemenis.
The second decision was to entrust an opposition leader to form a national consensus government shared equally by both the opposition and the ruling party to normalize the life after the wars and help the new elected president to establish the new State.
The two important decisions were taken by the Vice President Abdu Rabu Mansour Hadi, who has now constitutional powers to implement the Saudi-led Gulf brokered deal for transferring the power from President Ali Abdullah Saleh.
According to the GCC deal and its implementation mechanism, which were signed by all conflicting parties on November 23rd, 2011 in the Saudi capital Riyadh, President Saleh will remain legitimate until a new president is elected on February 21st, 2011.
The candidate of both the opposition and the ruling party in the February Presidential elections must be the current Vice President Mr Hadi, according to the road map, which is called the implementation mechanism, which was drawn by the UN envoy to Yemen, Jamal Bin Omar and approved and signed by all conflicting parties in Yemen.
Undoubtedly, Mr Hadi would be the new elected President for the two years of transitional period.
By then, Hadi will have his legitimacy directly from the people, not like the case now when his powers come only from the constitutional authorization of President Saleh.
During next week, the unity government will be declared and its members will take the constitutional oath before Mr Hadi.
To avoid the conflict over the important ministries like the defense and oil, the opposition will make two lists with each one having 50 percent of the portfolios. And the ruling party will choose one of the lists to be occupied by its members.
The UN Security Council and international community supported the agreement which came as implementation of its resolution 2014.
The SC urged the two sides to stick to all steps of the road map and implement them on time. The two sides should stop violence, and whoever violates would be held accountable.
The president Saleh from his side, issued a general amnesty for all Yemenis who made mistakes against the government during the 11 month of the crisis.
But the Presidential amnesty does not include those who tried to assassinate Saleh on June 3, 2011.
Although the solution of the Yemeni crisis was and is supported by the whole international community, a lot of difficulties are facing the implementation of the road map. The most dangerous challenge is the security and military situation.
The militants of the Islamist party, Islah, are still in sporadic confrontations with the army and security in many places like Taiz and Arhab.
The separatist movement in the south and Al Houth Shiite rebels in the north and some independent youth, still refuse the GCC deal.
The UN envoy to Yemen, Jamal Bin Omar said Monday November 28, 2011, that the separatist movement in the south and Al Houthi in the north and the independent youth should be represented in the new interim government.
The separatist movement in the south insist on separation and having their own independent state. Al Houthi group wants to establish their own Shiite state in the north at the borders with the Sunni Saudi Arabia.
More than 30 Salafi people were killed last week in battles between Al Houthi Shiite fighters and Salafi fighters in the area of Dammaj, in Saada, north of the country.
Al Houthi group says, the Salafi center in Damnaj was established in the early 1980s by the Yemeni and Saudi governments with the aim of abolishing the Shiite.
The Dammaj Salafi school has about 12,000 students from Yemen and outside Yemen.
About 11 foreign students were killed in the battles of last week in Dammaj according to the spokesman of the Salafi school, Abu Ismail.
Wednesday, 30 November 2011
Yemeni Nobel peace prize winner is not Mother Teresa, but political Islamist
Source; Hudson New York,
Whitewashing the Muslim Brotherhood
Nobel Peace Prize for a "Muslim Sister"
by Valentina Colombo
November 30, 2011
Once again the West has chosen among the heroes and heroines of the "Arab Spring" the most politicized, and especially the closest, to its short-sighted policies in the Middle East.
Unfortunately, as mentioned by al-Mashari Dhaid on the Arab international daily Asharq al-Awsat, we should never forget that the Nobel Prize for Peace is political, and it "is an instrument of soft pressure to fulfill a specific path of peace or stability, according to a Western perspective."
Mashari al-Dhaid is right when he states that "Tawakkul Karman is not Mother Teresa, but a political activist who acts in accordance with the directives and policies and social needs of her own party."
The Yemeni Congregation for Reform, to which Karman belongs, is the party representing the Muslim Brotherhood in Yemen. Tawakkul Karman is 'Abd al-Salam Khalid Karman's daughter, a member of the same party. The Reform Party, as you can easily infer from its political program published on the official website (www.al-islah.net), acts on behalf of Islam and claims the implementation of sharia law, advocates equality among believers without distinction of sex, even though sharia law states that a woman is worth half the man (see Koran II, 282; IV, 11).
Tawakkul Karman is indeed an activist: a political activist. There is no doubt that she is the symbol of a revolution, but at the same time her victory has to be placed in the continuum of Arab Springs that are witnessing the domination of the organized and economically strong Muslim Brotherhood.
The Nobel Prize follows the International Women of Courage Award assigned to Karman by US State Secretary Hillary Clinton and First Lady Michelle Obama. Everything confirms the US and Western policy of whitewashing the Muslim Brotherhood. And what a better leader and symbol than a young and determined woman like Karman? During an interview, in June 2010, she declared that the day would come when "all human rights violators pay for what they did to Yemen." If she was referring to Yemeni President Saleh, fine; but I wonder if human rights under Sharia -- the law her party would like to introduce in all levels of the country = match universal rights.
"In the name of God Most Gracious, Most Merciful, to sister Tawakkul 'Abd al-Salam Karman, president of Women Journalists Without Chains, a member of the Governing Council of the Yemeni Congregation for Reform (al-tajammu' al-yamani li-al-islah), greetings and appreciation. With great joy we have received, within the Yemeni Congregation for Reform, the announcement of the assignment to your person of the Nobel Prize for Peace as the first Arab woman to receive this award and the first Yemeni personality to enjoy this international attestation of esteem.
"Congratulations for this historic achievement since we believe that this victory is to support the peaceful revolution of Yemen, and a Yemeni woman who fights and who is aware of her ability to win despite the obstacles the legacy of backwardness and tyranny that separate our people from progress."
This is the beginning of a release of October 8th 2010 signed by Muhammad ibn 'Abd Allah al-Yadumi following the announcement of the Nobel Prize for Peace to the Yemeni activist Tawakkul Karman.
Well, many of us were happy because finally an Arab woman, last but not least a symbol of the Yemeni "Spring" had her efforts and courage recognised. Even secular intellectuals like the Yemeni political scientist Elham Manea, of Yemeni origin, who now is living in Switzerland, and the Yemeni writer Ali al-Muqri, have rejoiced.
While in many other countries, Islamic parties are banned, Islah participates in the political process and has even formed a coalition government with the ruling General People's Congress. One significant difference between Islah and other Islamic parties is that it is not purely an Islamic Party. The Islah Party is a heterogeneous party made up of three distinct groups: the tribes, Islamic elements and conservative businessmen. Islah could be described as a reflection of the conservative segments of Yemeni society. Nevertheless, it has an Islamic ideology and pushes for social and economic reform, similarly to other Islamic parties in the region.
Some people even praised Karman as the woman who has "torn" the veil. This is half true: in 2004 during a conference on human rights, the winner of the Nobel Prize for Peace removed her black full veil, worn by the vast majority of Yemeni women, to replace it with a simple veil, which she calls "Islamic." The statement published on the website of her Party after a demonstration celebrate the award says that it is a "source of pride and honor not only for Yemeni women, but also for Arab women and the Islamic veil."
So Karman replaced the traditional black veil -- "un-Islamic"-- in favor of a colorful headscarf that is not so much a symbol of Muslim women, as of the women of the Muslim Brotherhood, or at least of women wearing the veil as a political symbol.
Whitewashing the Muslim Brotherhood
Nobel Peace Prize for a "Muslim Sister"
by Valentina Colombo
November 30, 2011
Once again the West has chosen among the heroes and heroines of the "Arab Spring" the most politicized, and especially the closest, to its short-sighted policies in the Middle East.
Unfortunately, as mentioned by al-Mashari Dhaid on the Arab international daily Asharq al-Awsat, we should never forget that the Nobel Prize for Peace is political, and it "is an instrument of soft pressure to fulfill a specific path of peace or stability, according to a Western perspective."
Mashari al-Dhaid is right when he states that "Tawakkul Karman is not Mother Teresa, but a political activist who acts in accordance with the directives and policies and social needs of her own party."
The Yemeni Congregation for Reform, to which Karman belongs, is the party representing the Muslim Brotherhood in Yemen. Tawakkul Karman is 'Abd al-Salam Khalid Karman's daughter, a member of the same party. The Reform Party, as you can easily infer from its political program published on the official website (www.al-islah.net), acts on behalf of Islam and claims the implementation of sharia law, advocates equality among believers without distinction of sex, even though sharia law states that a woman is worth half the man (see Koran II, 282; IV, 11).
Tawakkul Karman is indeed an activist: a political activist. There is no doubt that she is the symbol of a revolution, but at the same time her victory has to be placed in the continuum of Arab Springs that are witnessing the domination of the organized and economically strong Muslim Brotherhood.
The Nobel Prize follows the International Women of Courage Award assigned to Karman by US State Secretary Hillary Clinton and First Lady Michelle Obama. Everything confirms the US and Western policy of whitewashing the Muslim Brotherhood. And what a better leader and symbol than a young and determined woman like Karman? During an interview, in June 2010, she declared that the day would come when "all human rights violators pay for what they did to Yemen." If she was referring to Yemeni President Saleh, fine; but I wonder if human rights under Sharia -- the law her party would like to introduce in all levels of the country = match universal rights.
"In the name of God Most Gracious, Most Merciful, to sister Tawakkul 'Abd al-Salam Karman, president of Women Journalists Without Chains, a member of the Governing Council of the Yemeni Congregation for Reform (al-tajammu' al-yamani li-al-islah), greetings and appreciation. With great joy we have received, within the Yemeni Congregation for Reform, the announcement of the assignment to your person of the Nobel Prize for Peace as the first Arab woman to receive this award and the first Yemeni personality to enjoy this international attestation of esteem.
"Congratulations for this historic achievement since we believe that this victory is to support the peaceful revolution of Yemen, and a Yemeni woman who fights and who is aware of her ability to win despite the obstacles the legacy of backwardness and tyranny that separate our people from progress."
This is the beginning of a release of October 8th 2010 signed by Muhammad ibn 'Abd Allah al-Yadumi following the announcement of the Nobel Prize for Peace to the Yemeni activist Tawakkul Karman.
Well, many of us were happy because finally an Arab woman, last but not least a symbol of the Yemeni "Spring" had her efforts and courage recognised. Even secular intellectuals like the Yemeni political scientist Elham Manea, of Yemeni origin, who now is living in Switzerland, and the Yemeni writer Ali al-Muqri, have rejoiced.
While in many other countries, Islamic parties are banned, Islah participates in the political process and has even formed a coalition government with the ruling General People's Congress. One significant difference between Islah and other Islamic parties is that it is not purely an Islamic Party. The Islah Party is a heterogeneous party made up of three distinct groups: the tribes, Islamic elements and conservative businessmen. Islah could be described as a reflection of the conservative segments of Yemeni society. Nevertheless, it has an Islamic ideology and pushes for social and economic reform, similarly to other Islamic parties in the region.
Some people even praised Karman as the woman who has "torn" the veil. This is half true: in 2004 during a conference on human rights, the winner of the Nobel Prize for Peace removed her black full veil, worn by the vast majority of Yemeni women, to replace it with a simple veil, which she calls "Islamic." The statement published on the website of her Party after a demonstration celebrate the award says that it is a "source of pride and honor not only for Yemeni women, but also for Arab women and the Islamic veil."
So Karman replaced the traditional black veil -- "un-Islamic"-- in favor of a colorful headscarf that is not so much a symbol of Muslim women, as of the women of the Muslim Brotherhood, or at least of women wearing the veil as a political symbol.
New Yemen being built
By Nasser Arrabyee,30/11/2011
Yemenis have just started to rebuild their country after about one year of wars and unrest.
However, they are still facing a lot of challenges. To build is much more difficult than to destroy.
The most important two decisions to rebuild the new Yemen were taken immediately after the conflicting parties signed last week a road map showing step by step how both the opposition and the ruling party would run the country until February 2014 when a civil and democratic State is fully established.
The first decision was to call on Yemenis to elect a new President on February 21st, 2012 to run the country during the coming two years required for establishing the long-awaited modern State that would meet the ambitions and aspirations of all Yemenis.
The second decision was to entrust an opposition leader to form a national consensus government shared equally by both the opposition and the ruling party to normalize the life after the wars and help the new elected president to establish the new State.
The two important decisions were taken by the Vice President Abdu Rabu Mansour Hadi, who has now constitutional powers to implement the Saudi-led Gulf brokered deal for transferring the power from President Ali Abdullah Saleh.
According to the GCC deal and its implementation mechanism, which were signed by all conflicting parties on November 23rd, 2011 in the Saudi capital Riyadh, President Saleh will remain legitimate until a new president is elected on February 21st, 2011.
The candidate of both the opposition and the ruling party in the February Presidential elections must be the current Vice President Mr Hadi, according to the road map, which is called the implementation mechanism, which was drawn by the UN envoy to Yemen, Jamal Bin Omar and approved and signed by all conflicting parties in Yemen.
Undoubtedly, Mr Hadi would be the new elected President for the two years of transitional period.
By then, Hadi will have his legitimacy directly from the people, not like the case now when his powers come only from the constitutional authorization of President Saleh.
During next week, the unity government will be declared and its members will take the constitutional oath before Mr Hadi.
To avoid the conflict over the important ministries like the defense and oil, the opposition will make two lists with each one having 50 percent of the portfolios. And the ruling party will choose one of the lists to be occupied by its members.
The UN Security Council and international community supported the agreement which came as implementation of its resolution 2014.
The SC urged the two sides to stick to all steps of the road map and implement them on time. The two sides should stop violence, and whoever violates would be held accountable.
The president Saleh from his side, issued a general amnesty for all Yemenis who made mistakes against the government during the 11 month of the crisis.
But the Presidential amnesty does not include those who tried to assassinate Saleh on June 3, 2011.
Although the solution of the Yemeni crisis was and is supported by the whole international community, a lot of difficulties are facing the implementation of the road map. The most dangerous challenge is the security and military situation.
The militants of the Islamist party, Islah, are still in sporadic confrontations with the army and security in many places like Taiz and Arhab.
The separatist movement in the south and Al Houth Shiite rebels in the north and some independent youth, still refuse the GCC deal.
The UN envoy to Yemen, Jamal Bin Omar said Monday November 28, 2011, that the separatist movement in the south and Al Houthi in the north and the independent youth should be represented in the new interim government.
The separatist movement in the south insist on separation and having their own independent state. Al Houthi group wants to establish their own Shiite state in the north at the borders with the Sunni Saudi Arabia.
More than 30 Salafi people were killed last week in battles between Al Houthi Shiite fighters and Salafi fighters in the area of Dammaj, in Saada, north of the country.
Al Houthi group says, the Salafi center in Damnaj was established in the early 1980s by the Yemeni and Saudi governments with the aim of abolishing the Shiite.
The Dammaj Salafi school has about 12,000 students from Yemen and outside Yemen.
About 11 foreign students were killed in the battles of last week in Dammaj according to the spokesman of the Salafi school, Abu Ismail.
Yemenis have just started to rebuild their country after about one year of wars and unrest.
However, they are still facing a lot of challenges. To build is much more difficult than to destroy.
The most important two decisions to rebuild the new Yemen were taken immediately after the conflicting parties signed last week a road map showing step by step how both the opposition and the ruling party would run the country until February 2014 when a civil and democratic State is fully established.
The first decision was to call on Yemenis to elect a new President on February 21st, 2012 to run the country during the coming two years required for establishing the long-awaited modern State that would meet the ambitions and aspirations of all Yemenis.
The second decision was to entrust an opposition leader to form a national consensus government shared equally by both the opposition and the ruling party to normalize the life after the wars and help the new elected president to establish the new State.
The two important decisions were taken by the Vice President Abdu Rabu Mansour Hadi, who has now constitutional powers to implement the Saudi-led Gulf brokered deal for transferring the power from President Ali Abdullah Saleh.
According to the GCC deal and its implementation mechanism, which were signed by all conflicting parties on November 23rd, 2011 in the Saudi capital Riyadh, President Saleh will remain legitimate until a new president is elected on February 21st, 2011.
The candidate of both the opposition and the ruling party in the February Presidential elections must be the current Vice President Mr Hadi, according to the road map, which is called the implementation mechanism, which was drawn by the UN envoy to Yemen, Jamal Bin Omar and approved and signed by all conflicting parties in Yemen.
Undoubtedly, Mr Hadi would be the new elected President for the two years of transitional period.
By then, Hadi will have his legitimacy directly from the people, not like the case now when his powers come only from the constitutional authorization of President Saleh.
During next week, the unity government will be declared and its members will take the constitutional oath before Mr Hadi.
To avoid the conflict over the important ministries like the defense and oil, the opposition will make two lists with each one having 50 percent of the portfolios. And the ruling party will choose one of the lists to be occupied by its members.
The UN Security Council and international community supported the agreement which came as implementation of its resolution 2014.
The SC urged the two sides to stick to all steps of the road map and implement them on time. The two sides should stop violence, and whoever violates would be held accountable.
The president Saleh from his side, issued a general amnesty for all Yemenis who made mistakes against the government during the 11 month of the crisis.
But the Presidential amnesty does not include those who tried to assassinate Saleh on June 3, 2011.
Although the solution of the Yemeni crisis was and is supported by the whole international community, a lot of difficulties are facing the implementation of the road map. The most dangerous challenge is the security and military situation.
The militants of the Islamist party, Islah, are still in sporadic confrontations with the army and security in many places like Taiz and Arhab.
The separatist movement in the south and Al Houth Shiite rebels in the north and some independent youth, still refuse the GCC deal.
The UN envoy to Yemen, Jamal Bin Omar said Monday November 28, 2011, that the separatist movement in the south and Al Houthi in the north and the independent youth should be represented in the new interim government.
The separatist movement in the south insist on separation and having their own independent state. Al Houthi group wants to establish their own Shiite state in the north at the borders with the Sunni Saudi Arabia.
More than 30 Salafi people were killed last week in battles between Al Houthi Shiite fighters and Salafi fighters in the area of Dammaj, in Saada, north of the country.
Al Houthi group says, the Salafi center in Damnaj was established in the early 1980s by the Yemeni and Saudi governments with the aim of abolishing the Shiite.
The Dammaj Salafi school has about 12,000 students from Yemen and outside Yemen.
About 11 foreign students were killed in the battles of last week in Dammaj according to the spokesman of the Salafi school, Abu Ismail.
New Yemen being built
By Nasser Arrabyee,30/11/2011
Yemenis have just started to rebuild their country after about one year of wars and unrest.
However, they are still facing a lot of challenges. To build is much more difficult than to destroy.
The most important two decisions to rebuild the new Yemen were taken immediately after the conflicting parties signed last week a road map showing step by step how both the opposition and the ruling party would run the country until February 2014 when a civil and democratic State is fully established.
The first decision was to call on Yemenis to elect a new President on February 21st, 2012 to run the country during the coming two years required for establishing the long-awaited modern State that would meet the ambitions and aspirations of all Yemenis.
The second decision was to entrust an opposition leader to form a national consensus government shared equally by both the opposition and the ruling party to normalize the life after the wars and help the new elected president to establish the new State.
The two important decisions were taken by the Vice President Abdu Rabu Mansour Hadi, who has now constitutional powers to implement the Saudi-led Gulf brokered deal for transferring the power from President Ali Abdullah Saleh.
According to the GCC deal and its implementation mechanism, which were signed by all conflicting parties on November 23rd, 2011 in the Saudi capital Riyadh, President Saleh will remain legitimate until a new president is elected on February 21st, 2011.
The candidate of both the opposition and the ruling party in the February Presidential elections must be the current Vice President Mr Hadi, according to the road map, which is called the implementation mechanism, which was drawn by the UN envoy to Yemen, Jamal Bin Omar and approved and signed by all conflicting parties in Yemen.
Undoubtedly, Mr Hadi would be the new elected President for the two years of transitional period.
By then, Hadi will have his legitimacy directly from the people, not like the case now when his powers come only from the constitutional authorization of President Saleh.
During next week, the unity government will be declared and its members will take the constitutional oath before Mr Hadi.
To avoid the conflict over the important ministries like the defense and oil, the opposition will make two lists with each one having 50 percent of the portfolios. And the ruling party will choose one of the lists to be occupied by its members.
The UN Security Council and international community supported the agreement which came as implementation of its resolution 2014.
The SC urged the two sides to stick to all steps of the road map and implement them on time. The two sides should stop violence, and whoever violates would be held accountable.
The president Saleh from his side, issued a general amnesty for all Yemenis who made mistakes against the government during the 11 month of the crisis.
But the Presidential amnesty does not include those who tried to assassinate Saleh on June 3, 2011.
Although the solution of the Yemeni crisis was and is supported by the whole international community, a lot of difficulties are facing the implementation of the road map. The most dangerous challenge is the security and military situation.
The militants of the Islamist party, Islah, are still in sporadic confrontations with the army and security in many places like Taiz and Arhab.
The separatist movement in the south and Al Houth Shiite rebels in the north and some independent youth, still refuse the GCC deal.
The UN envoy to Yemen, Jamal Bin Omar said Monday November 28, 2011, that the separatist movement in the south and Al Houthi in the north and the independent youth should be represented in the new interim government.
The separatist movement in the south insist on separation and having their own independent state. Al Houthi group wants to establish their own Shiite state in the north at the borders with the Sunni Saudi Arabia.
More than 30 Salafi people were killed last week in battles between Al Houthi Shiite fighters and Salafi fighters in the area of Dammaj, in Saada, north of the country.
Al Houthi group says, the Salafi center in Damnaj was established in the early 1980s by the Yemeni and Saudi governments with the aim of abolishing the Shiite.
The Dammaj Salafi school has about 12,000 students from Yemen and outside Yemen.
About 11 foreign students were killed in the battles of last week in Dammaj according to the spokesman of the Salafi school, Abu Ismail.
Yemenis have just started to rebuild their country after about one year of wars and unrest.
However, they are still facing a lot of challenges. To build is much more difficult than to destroy.
The most important two decisions to rebuild the new Yemen were taken immediately after the conflicting parties signed last week a road map showing step by step how both the opposition and the ruling party would run the country until February 2014 when a civil and democratic State is fully established.
The first decision was to call on Yemenis to elect a new President on February 21st, 2012 to run the country during the coming two years required for establishing the long-awaited modern State that would meet the ambitions and aspirations of all Yemenis.
The second decision was to entrust an opposition leader to form a national consensus government shared equally by both the opposition and the ruling party to normalize the life after the wars and help the new elected president to establish the new State.
The two important decisions were taken by the Vice President Abdu Rabu Mansour Hadi, who has now constitutional powers to implement the Saudi-led Gulf brokered deal for transferring the power from President Ali Abdullah Saleh.
According to the GCC deal and its implementation mechanism, which were signed by all conflicting parties on November 23rd, 2011 in the Saudi capital Riyadh, President Saleh will remain legitimate until a new president is elected on February 21st, 2011.
The candidate of both the opposition and the ruling party in the February Presidential elections must be the current Vice President Mr Hadi, according to the road map, which is called the implementation mechanism, which was drawn by the UN envoy to Yemen, Jamal Bin Omar and approved and signed by all conflicting parties in Yemen.
Undoubtedly, Mr Hadi would be the new elected President for the two years of transitional period.
By then, Hadi will have his legitimacy directly from the people, not like the case now when his powers come only from the constitutional authorization of President Saleh.
During next week, the unity government will be declared and its members will take the constitutional oath before Mr Hadi.
To avoid the conflict over the important ministries like the defense and oil, the opposition will make two lists with each one having 50 percent of the portfolios. And the ruling party will choose one of the lists to be occupied by its members.
The UN Security Council and international community supported the agreement which came as implementation of its resolution 2014.
The SC urged the two sides to stick to all steps of the road map and implement them on time. The two sides should stop violence, and whoever violates would be held accountable.
The president Saleh from his side, issued a general amnesty for all Yemenis who made mistakes against the government during the 11 month of the crisis.
But the Presidential amnesty does not include those who tried to assassinate Saleh on June 3, 2011.
Although the solution of the Yemeni crisis was and is supported by the whole international community, a lot of difficulties are facing the implementation of the road map. The most dangerous challenge is the security and military situation.
The militants of the Islamist party, Islah, are still in sporadic confrontations with the army and security in many places like Taiz and Arhab.
The separatist movement in the south and Al Houth Shiite rebels in the north and some independent youth, still refuse the GCC deal.
The UN envoy to Yemen, Jamal Bin Omar said Monday November 28, 2011, that the separatist movement in the south and Al Houthi in the north and the independent youth should be represented in the new interim government.
The separatist movement in the south insist on separation and having their own independent state. Al Houthi group wants to establish their own Shiite state in the north at the borders with the Sunni Saudi Arabia.
More than 30 Salafi people were killed last week in battles between Al Houthi Shiite fighters and Salafi fighters in the area of Dammaj, in Saada, north of the country.
Al Houthi group says, the Salafi center in Damnaj was established in the early 1980s by the Yemeni and Saudi governments with the aim of abolishing the Shiite.
The Dammaj Salafi school has about 12,000 students from Yemen and outside Yemen.
About 11 foreign students were killed in the battles of last week in Dammaj according to the spokesman of the Salafi school, Abu Ismail.
Monday, 28 November 2011
The UNSC welcomes Yemen agreement to end crisis and urges parties to implement it on time
Source: UN News, 29/11/2011
New York-The Security Council today welcomed the new political agreement in Yemen and the mechanism outlining how it can be implemented, but stressed that the deal must be strictly implemented to end unrest and restore stability in the country.
The peace initiative by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and the implementation mechanism agreed to on Wednesday must be carried out in “in a serious, transparent, and timely manner, and in a spirit of inclusion and reconciliation,” the Council said in a press statement.
The Council expects the parties “to honour the timetable set out in the agreement, including the formation of a government of national consensus, presidential elections within 90 days, a national dialogue, a constitutional review, and a programme of reforms that start to tackle the profound humanitarian, economic and security challenges that Yemen faces.”
In the statement, read out by Ambassador José Filipe Moraes Cabral of Portugal, which holds the Council’s presidency this month, the 15-member panel reaffirmed its commitment to Yemen’s territorial integrity and unity, and urged all parties to reject violence, refrain from provocation, and fully implement the Council’s previous resolution on restoring peace in the impoverished country.
It reiterated that all those responsible for violence, human rights violations and abuses should be held accountable, and deplored acts of violence that occurred on Thursday, when five people were reportedly killed in the capital, Sana’a.
The Council stressed the need for increased and unimpeded humanitarian access, and urged all Yemeni parties to work with the UN, the international community and the GCC to achieve lasting peace, stability and reconciliation.
Earlier, Jamal Benomar, the UN Special Adviser on Yemen, told reporters after briefing the Council that the accord paves the way for a credible transition and provides a detailed roadmap for change through the broad participation of citizens.
“The implementation envisions meaningful participation across the full political spectrum, including the youth who paved the way for this change in the political order,” Mr. Benomar said of the pact.
“It is imperative that the new Government of National Unity engages with all constituencies including the youth, the Houthis, and the Hirak movement in the south,” he said.
Under the accord, President Ali Abdullah Saleh agreed to hand over his powers to Vice-President Abed Rabbo Mansour al-Hadi and presidential elections are to be held within three months.
“All Yemenis will now need to come together to reconcile, and to tackle the difficulties that lie ahead,” he said, noting that “violence and unrest has continued despite the reaching of a political solution on 23 November.”
He said he had told the Council that all Yemeni parties will need to take responsibility and use the opportunity to foster positive change for the country, uphold human rights and desist from further violence.
Mr. Benomar urged the international community to step up support for Yemen’s recovery, as requested by both parties to the agreement. The UN and the rest of the international community will monitor the accord’s implementation and remain engaged, he said.
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon remained fully committed to supporting the transition and the post-election period through mobilizing the entire UN and Member States to help Yemen address its political, humanitarian, security and economic challenges, Mr. Benomar added.
The Council was also briefed on the humanitarian situation in Yemen by Philippe Lazzarini, the Deputy Director of the Coordination and Response Division of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).
Last week’s political agreement followed months of deadly clashes between supporters and opponents of Mr. Saleh and his regime, part of the so-called Arab Spring movement that has swept the Middle East and North Africa this year.
New York-The Security Council today welcomed the new political agreement in Yemen and the mechanism outlining how it can be implemented, but stressed that the deal must be strictly implemented to end unrest and restore stability in the country.
The peace initiative by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and the implementation mechanism agreed to on Wednesday must be carried out in “in a serious, transparent, and timely manner, and in a spirit of inclusion and reconciliation,” the Council said in a press statement.
The Council expects the parties “to honour the timetable set out in the agreement, including the formation of a government of national consensus, presidential elections within 90 days, a national dialogue, a constitutional review, and a programme of reforms that start to tackle the profound humanitarian, economic and security challenges that Yemen faces.”
In the statement, read out by Ambassador José Filipe Moraes Cabral of Portugal, which holds the Council’s presidency this month, the 15-member panel reaffirmed its commitment to Yemen’s territorial integrity and unity, and urged all parties to reject violence, refrain from provocation, and fully implement the Council’s previous resolution on restoring peace in the impoverished country.
It reiterated that all those responsible for violence, human rights violations and abuses should be held accountable, and deplored acts of violence that occurred on Thursday, when five people were reportedly killed in the capital, Sana’a.
The Council stressed the need for increased and unimpeded humanitarian access, and urged all Yemeni parties to work with the UN, the international community and the GCC to achieve lasting peace, stability and reconciliation.
Earlier, Jamal Benomar, the UN Special Adviser on Yemen, told reporters after briefing the Council that the accord paves the way for a credible transition and provides a detailed roadmap for change through the broad participation of citizens.
“The implementation envisions meaningful participation across the full political spectrum, including the youth who paved the way for this change in the political order,” Mr. Benomar said of the pact.
“It is imperative that the new Government of National Unity engages with all constituencies including the youth, the Houthis, and the Hirak movement in the south,” he said.
Under the accord, President Ali Abdullah Saleh agreed to hand over his powers to Vice-President Abed Rabbo Mansour al-Hadi and presidential elections are to be held within three months.
“All Yemenis will now need to come together to reconcile, and to tackle the difficulties that lie ahead,” he said, noting that “violence and unrest has continued despite the reaching of a political solution on 23 November.”
He said he had told the Council that all Yemeni parties will need to take responsibility and use the opportunity to foster positive change for the country, uphold human rights and desist from further violence.
Mr. Benomar urged the international community to step up support for Yemen’s recovery, as requested by both parties to the agreement. The UN and the rest of the international community will monitor the accord’s implementation and remain engaged, he said.
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon remained fully committed to supporting the transition and the post-election period through mobilizing the entire UN and Member States to help Yemen address its political, humanitarian, security and economic challenges, Mr. Benomar added.
The Council was also briefed on the humanitarian situation in Yemen by Philippe Lazzarini, the Deputy Director of the Coordination and Response Division of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).
Last week’s political agreement followed months of deadly clashes between supporters and opponents of Mr. Saleh and his regime, part of the so-called Arab Spring movement that has swept the Middle East and North Africa this year.
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