Tuesday, 12 February 2013

Yemeni Jihadists to Syria via Turkey


Yemeni Jihadists to Syria via Turkey

By Nasser Arrabyee, 12/02/2013


Yemen President Abdu Rabu Mansour Hadi approved this week a bilateral agreement canceling entry  visas between his country and Turkey.

This step is expected to provide further ease for thousands of unemployed Yemeni young people being lured to go for Jihad in Syria through Turkey.

The Turkish airline raised its flights  from 1 to 4  per week from Aden   starting from October 9th , 2013.

 More than 5000 young people recruited by Islamist  leaders and financed by Qatar and Saudi Arabia were transported from Aden to Istanbul over the last four months, according to security  sources in the airport of Aden. Before the Turkish airliner started flights from Aden, Jihadists would go to Egypt where they go to Syria through Sinai and Jordan, the sources said. 

The young people, Jihadists, go from Istanbul to Syria to fight with Al Qaeda.
When asked why, the Yemeni government ignores this issue by saying as long as  they are more than 18 years old and they are not wanted for security, no one can stop them from going wherever they like.

The  semi-ruling party, Islamist party, Islah ( Yemen brotherhood) through its mosque speakers all over the country urge Yemenis day and night to take chance by going  for Jihad in Syria. And sometimes,  middle level leaders go there to encourage more people to go. Sheikh Mohammed Al Hazmi, MP and mosque speaker from Islamist party has been in Syria for weeks now. 

The process of sending "Jihadists" from Yemen to Syria is called now  by observers the " Second Edition of Afghan Jihadism", in a clear reference to early 1980s when thousands of Yemenis of naive  unemployed  young people  were being recruited and sent to Afghanistan by almost the same Yemeni war dealers and wheelers and almost the same financiers.  

The problem of those Yemenis  who came  back from Afghanistan early 1990s   is still unsolved until today. They are still in  on- and- off wars with the government, ad they want to turn Yemen to Taliban-Style Islamic Emirate.    

Islamists who call day and night for Jihad in Syria say what they are doing is not a declaration of Jihad as declaration of Jihad is a decision up to President.

" What we say to educate people is  that Jihad is a must in Syria now, but there was no declaration of Jihad from the Umma," said Abdul Wahab Al Humaikani, secretary general of Al Rashad party, recently established Salafi party.  


Meanwhile, President Hadi set the date of March 18, 2013 as the starting point of the comprehensive  national for y all conflicting parties and groups in the country.

The  US ambassador to Yemen Gerald Feierstien said this week in a press conference that Sheikh Abdul Majid Al Zandani  must not participate in the dialogue as he is a  global terrorist in the US and UN lists.  

Earlier Al Zandani, one of the main inspirers of Jihadists to Afghanistan and now to Syria, refused American interference in dialogue, saying " we do not want dialogue that contradicts with Islam".

Al Zandani also refused representation of the Yemeni  Jews in the dialogue. The small Yemeni Jewish minority  was given five representatives in the coming national dialogue out of 565 persons representing all groups and parties of Yemen. " They gave Jews five, and gave clerics nothing,"  Said Al Zandani who is one of the influential leaders of the semi-ruling Islamic party ( Islah) and also one of the main founders  of Al Rashad Salafi party. 

Killers still unknown two years after the crime, like all other crimes of 2011 in  Yemen




Political Interference in Massacre Probe
Justice Denied in Killings of 45 Anti-Government Protesters

Source: HRW press lease, 12/02/2013

Sanaa-Investigators never questioned top officials in the criminal investigation by Yemen’s previous government into the shooting of demonstrators during the so-called Friday of Dignity Massacre on March 18, 2011, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. Former President Ali Abdullah Saleh dismissed his attorney general when he demanded that government officials be questioned in the shooting deaths of 45 protesters – three of them children – and wounding of 200 others. It was the deadliest attack on protesters of Yemen’s uprising.

The 69-page report, “Unpunished Massacre: Yemen’s Failed Response to the ‘Friday of Dignity’ Killings,” found that the previous government’s criminal investigation was fraught with political interference and ignored evidence implicating government officials. Prosecutors also failed to investigate why security forces led by Saleh’s nephew abandoned their posts at the scene before the gunmen opened fire. Yemeni authorities should reopen the investigation, Human Rights Watch said.

“Nearly two years after the Friday of Dignity massacre, the victims and their families await justice,” said Letta Tayler, senior researcher at Human Rights Watch and author of the report. “If Yemen doesn’t fairly investigate and prosecute those responsible for this deadly attack, it risks perpetuating the culture of impunity at the heart of Yemen’s uprising.”

Impunity for serious violations of human rights by state security forces was a persistent problem during Saleh’s 33-year rule, Human Rights Watch said. During the 2011 uprising, security forces carried out several attacks on largely peaceful protests and facilitated other attacks by armed gangs believed to be Saleh loyalists or paid thugs. After Saleh left office in February 2012, transition President Abdu Rabu Mansour Hadi promised accountability for serious violations during the uprising.

The report is based on field research in Sanaa that includes interviews with more than 60 witnesses, defendants, lawyers, human rights defenders, and government officials, as well as a review of more than 1,000 pages of court documents on the killings. Human Rights Watch also reviewed several videos by journalists and other witnesses that showed the shootings.

After multiple postponements, a criminal trial based on the flawed investigation began in Sanaa in September. The court listed 43 of the 78 defendants as fugitives from justice. The fugitives included two sons of a pro-Saleh governor, both ranking security officials, who are the top two suspects. Victims and their lawyers accuse the security forces of making no effort to find those at large. Lawyers for both victims and defendants are demanding a new investigation.
Justice Minister Mushid al-Arshani even said on the first anniversary of the attack that “the real perpetrators escaped and only their accomplices and supporters are in jail.”

A judge suspended the trial proceedings in November after lawyers for the victims filed a motion seeking the indictment of top former and current government officials, including Saleh and close relatives. Lawyers for the victims say the eight defendants in detention – the remaining 27 were provisionally released – are innocent or at most peripheral accomplices. They include a visually impaired homeless man and a garbage collector.

The killings took place at the southern edge of Change Square, a then-burgeoning protest camp. As tens of thousands of protesters ended their midday prayer at a rally they had named the Friday of Dignity, dozens of gunmen in civilian clothes shot at them from the street and houses, including the Sanaa residence of a provincial governor.

Abd al-Rashid al-Faqih, a local human rights activist, told Human Rights Watch: “The bullets were falling on the protesters like a rain shower. I could see them hit walls and doors. In areas where the smoke cleared I could see gunmen on a roof shooting randomly at protesters.”

Nearly all those killed or wounded were young men who were shot in the head or upper body. The indictment charges 52 of the defendants with shooting with intent to kill. Many defendants are current or former security force members or members of Saleh’s political party, the General People’s Congress.

Investigators did not question top security chiefs despite testimony from witnesses that the Central Security Forces, a paramilitary force run at the time by Saleh’s nephew, Yahya Saleh, had withdrawn from the area the night before the shootings even though the interior minister at the time had been alerted to a possible attack. The Central Security Forces failed to return to the area for at least 30 minutes after the shooting began, despite calls for their help, witnesses said. Armed only with batons and a water cannon, the Central Security Forces stood by as gunmen fired or retreated behind the security forces for cover, witnesses said.

“The Central Security Forces’ failure to even try to stop the shootings suggests either gross negligence or complicity with the gunmen,” Tayler said.

In response to requests in December for comment on our findings, the interior minister and attorney general gave Human Rights Watch brief statements on February 5, 2013, that authorities would follow procedures in the case “in accordance with the law.”

Accountability for the attacks is complicated by a law passed by the Yemeni parliament in January 2012 in exchange for Saleh’s resignation. The law grants Saleh and all those who served with him sweeping immunity from prosecution for any crimes committed during his presidency. Lawyers for victims said their motion seeking the indictment of Saleh and other former and current officials could serve as a test case against the grant of immunity.

Human Rights Watch reiterated its call for the Yemeni parliament to repeal the immunity law, which violates Yemen’s international legal obligations to prosecute serious violations of human rights. Security and intelligence services should make real efforts to apprehend the defendants listed as fugitives, and the courts should review the cases of those detained with the aim of granting provisional release to any who may be unnecessarily jailed.

The United Nations Security Council, as well as concerned countries including the United States and member states of the European Union and Gulf Cooperation Council, should publicly oppose Yemen’s immunity law, Human Rights Watch said. They should impose travel bans and asset freezes on any officials responsible for the serious violations associated with the uprising, including the Friday of Dignity attack. They should also refuse assistance to any security forces implicated in these crimes until those responsible are removed from the ranks and held to account.

Concerned governments should also seek a resolution at the United Nations Human Rights Council to create an international investigation into the Friday of Dignity attacks and other serious rights violations during the Yemen uprising, should Yemeni efforts fall short, Human Rights Watch said.

Under pressure from victims’ advocates, the Hadi government in recent weeks has paid most of the wounded and the families of those killed during the uprising between 360,000 and 1 million Yemeni rials (US$1,700 to $4,700) though a private foundation. The government also has begun sending dozens of wounded protesters abroad for medical treatment. But dozens of the seriously wounded are still awaiting payments or treatment, and none has received promised pensions. The victims also are awaiting justice.

“Redress for victims doesn’t end with compensation,” Tayler said. “It requires holding those responsible to account.”

Monday, 11 February 2013

Arms reaching Somalia from Yemen and Iran, UN says 


 Arms reaching Somalia from Yemen and Iran, UN says 

Source: Reuters, By Louis Charbonneau, 11/02/2013

UNITED NATIONS -As the United States pushes for an end to the U.N. arms embargo on Somalia, U.N. monitors are reporting that Islamist militants in the Horn of Africa nation are receiving arms from distribution networks linked to Yemen and Iran, diplomats told Reuters.

The U.N. Security Council's sanctions monitoring team's concerns about Iranian and Yemeni links to arms supplies for al Shabaab militants come as Yemen is asking Tehran to stop backing armed groups on Yemeni soil. Last month Yemeni coast guards and the U.S. Navy seized a consignment of missiles and rockets the Sanaa government says were sent by Iran.

According to the latest findings by the monitoring group, which tracks compliance with U.N. sanctions on Somalia and Eritrea, most weapons deliveries are coming into northern Somalia - that is, the autonomous Puntland and Somaliland regions - after which they are moved farther south into Shabaab strongholds.

The supply chains in Yemen are largely Somali networks in that country, council diplomats said on condition of anonymity.

"In Galguduud (central Somalia), Shabaab received arms, including IED (improvised explosive device) components," a Security Council diplomat said, referring to one of the Somalia/Eritrea Monitoring Group's most recent confidential reports. Several other council diplomats confirmed his remarks.

Other weapons supplied included PKM machine guns, said the group's monthly report for January.

The monitors were scheduled to informally brief Security Council members on Friday but the meeting was canceled due to a major snowstorm, diplomats said. The U.N. monitors favor a gradual easing of the arms embargo rather lifting it as the Americans and the Somali government advocate, the diplomats said.

Yemen is proving to be of central importance for arming Shabaab, the monitors' reporting shows, both because it is feeding arms into northern Somalia and because it has become a playing field for Iranian interests in Somalia and elsewhere.

The U.N. Security Council's Panel of Experts on Iran, which monitors compliance with the Iran sanctions regime, including the arms embargo on Tehran, is also looking at Yemen and evidence of Iranian arms shipments across Africa, council diplomats told Reuters.

Iran's U.N. mission did not respond immediately to a request for comment.

The monitors found Iranian and North Korean-manufactured weapons that came to Somalia via Libya at a base of the U.N.-backed African Union peacekeeping force in Somalia. Diplomats who follow the issue said the arms were apparently recovered by the peacekeepers and raised important questions.

"Why are Iranian and North Korean small arms finding their way into Somalia from Libya? Do they date from before the arms embargoes (against both North Korea and Iran)? How did they get there from Libya?" a council diplomat asked.

"It certainly emphasizes the point that Somalia is a country awash with arms and still very fragile," the diplomat said.

CONCERNS ABOUT LIFTING ARMS EMBARGO

U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has said the 15-nation council should consider lifting the arms embargo to help rebuild Somalia's security forces and consolidate military gains against the al Qaeda-linked al Shabaab militants.

It is a position that has the strong backing of the United States, which is pushing for an end to the 21-year-old U.N. arms embargo. The Security Council imposed it in 1992 to cut the flow of arms to feuding warlords, who a year earlier had ousted dictator Mohamed Siad Barre and plunged Somalia into civil war.

Diplomatic sources said Ban's recommendation to support an end to the embargo did not appear in earlier drafts of his report but was added later on. It has happened before that a secretary-general's reports on various issues have been amended before publication in response to complaints from member states.

Diplomats said Britain, France and Argentina are the council members most reluctant to end the arms embargo, preferring a gradual easing of it instead. The Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group has also opposed the idea of lifting it and see their latest findings as proof of why that would be unwise, diplomats said.

Those who oppose scrapping the arms embargo say Somalia's security sector still includes elements close to warlords and militants, an allegation the Somali government rejects. They also say the government can still get arms despite the embargo via requests to the U.N. sanctions committee.

"There are no Somali warlords that threaten peace and stability in Somalia," the alternate permanent representative for Somalia, Idd Beddel Mohamed, told Reuters. "They are normal citizens now, members of parliament. The embargo must be lifted."

But diplomats said the monitors have a different view - namely that specific units of the Somali security forces have links to warlords and are putting pressure on the Somali government to push for the arms embargo to be lifted.

Those in favor of lifting the embargo want a monitoring mechanism to ensure that arms purchased by the government do not end up in the hands of insurgents. But they also feel that the government should have the means to continue improving security around the country as it appears to have Shabaab on the run.

The U.S. mission to the United Nations declined to comment on the monitors' reporting because it is confidential.

Last week a U.S. official said Washington was merely backing a request by the Somali government and the African Union to end the arms embargo.

The U.S. government last month recognized the Somali government for the first time in more than two decades.

U.N. discussions on the Somalia arms embargo are expected to continue through March, when the Security Council must pass a resolution to renew the mandate of the AU peacekeeping force.

(Reporting By Louis Charbonneau; editing by Christopher Wilson)


Sunday, 10 February 2013

Yemen officially asks for clarification from Iran on weapons 


Yemen officially asks for clarification from Iran on weapons 


Yemen, Iran discuss case of ship (Jehan 1)

Source: Saba,10/02/2013

SANA’A- Foreign Minister Abu Bakr al-Qirbi met here on Sunday with the Iranian ambassador to Yemen Mahmoud Hassan Alizadeh.

They discussed the case of the ship (Jehan 1), which has been seized in the Yemeni territorial waters coming from Iran with arms shipment aboard.

The Foreign Minister stressed in the meeting that the Yemeni government will not allow interference in its internal affairs by any party, or that its territory becomes a place for proxy wars. He also requested an explanation from the Iranian side about the ship.

Yemeni coastguard forces backed by international forces managed on January 23 to intercept the ship as entering the eastern Yemeni territorial waters of Mahrah governorate after obtaining accurate intelligence information. Eight Yemeni sailors were also captured on the ship.

The Omani coastguards have suspected and stopped the ship but could not detect the arms hideouts, the statement said, stressing the intelligence information enable the Yemeni coastguards to discover them.

The Yemeni security authorities are investigating currently some shipments entered the county in May 2012 coming from the same source, it read.

Earlier, the government has sent a formal request to the UN Security Council to probe into the Jihan1's arms shipment.


Yemen officially asks for clarification from Iran on weapons 


Yemen officially asks for clarification from Iran on weapons 


Yemen, Iran discuss case of ship (Jehan 1)

Source: Saba,10/02/2013

SANA’A- Foreign Minister Abu Bakr al-Qirbi met here on Sunday with the Iranian ambassador to Yemen Mahmoud Hassan Alizadeh.

They discussed the case of the ship (Jehan 1), which has been seized in the Yemeni territorial waters coming from Iran with arms shipment aboard.

The Foreign Minister stressed in the meeting that the Yemeni government will not allow interference in its internal affairs by any party, or that its territory becomes a place for proxy wars. He also requested an explanation from the Iranian side about the ship.

Yemeni coastguard forces backed by international forces managed on January 23 to intercept the ship as entering the eastern Yemeni territorial waters of Mahrah governorate after obtaining accurate intelligence information. Eight Yemeni sailors were also captured on the ship.

The Omani coastguards have suspected and stopped the ship but could not detect the arms hideouts, the statement said, stressing the intelligence information enable the Yemeni coastguards to discover them.

The Yemeni security authorities are investigating currently some shipments entered the county in May 2012 coming from the same source, it read.

Earlier, the government has sent a formal request to the UN Security Council to probe into the Jihan1's arms shipment.


Yemen officially asks for clarification from Iran on weapons 


Yemen officially asks for clarification from Iran on weapons 


Yemen, Iran discuss case of ship (Jehan 1)

Source: Saba,10/02/2013

SANA’A- Foreign Minister Abu Bakr al-Qirbi met here on Sunday with the Iranian ambassador to Yemen Mahmoud Hassan Alizadeh.

They discussed the case of the ship (Jehan 1), which has been seized in the Yemeni territorial waters coming from Iran with arms shipment aboard.

The Foreign Minister stressed in the meeting that the Yemeni government will not allow interference in its internal affairs by any party, or that its territory becomes a place for proxy wars. He also requested an explanation from the Iranian side about the ship.

Yemeni coastguard forces backed by international forces managed on January 23 to intercept the ship as entering the eastern Yemeni territorial waters of Mahrah governorate after obtaining accurate intelligence information. Eight Yemeni sailors were also captured on the ship.

The Omani coastguards have suspected and stopped the ship but could not detect the arms hideouts, the statement said, stressing the intelligence information enable the Yemeni coastguards to discover them.

The Yemeni security authorities are investigating currently some shipments entered the county in May 2012 coming from the same source, it read.

Earlier, the government has sent a formal request to the UN Security Council to probe into the Jihan1's arms shipment.


Friday, 8 February 2013

Seizure of Antiaircraft Missiles in Yemen Raises Fears That Iran Is Arming Rebels There



Seizure of Antiaircraft Missiles in Yemen Raises Fears That Iran Is Arming Rebels There

Source: The New York Times, 09/02/2103

By C. J. CHIVERS and ROBERT F. WORTH

Photographs recently released by the Yemeni government suggest that an interdiction last month by the United States Navy and Yemen’s security forces seized a class of shoulder-fired antiaircraft missiles not publicly known to have been out of state control.

Such missiles, in the hands of militants, would pose new threats to military and commercial aviation and would mark an escalation in illegal arms trafficking in the Arabian Peninsula. Yemen has asserted that the missiles were bound for rebels in the country’s northwestern frontier, and both the United States and Yemen have suggested that the shipment may have come from Iran.

The missiles were displayed this week to journalists in Yemen, along with other weapons and military equipment that the Yemeni authorities said had been seized from the Jeehan 1, a dhow that was boarded at sea on Jan. 23.

The photographs and accompanying video images are grainy, but they show either modern Chinese- or Iranian-made heat-seeking missiles in their standard packaging. The weapons are of a class known as Manpads, for man-portable air-defense systems, of which the best known example is the American-made Stinger.

Matthew Schroeder, an analyst who follows missile proliferation for the Federation of American Scientists in Washington and the Small Arms Survey in Geneva, said that while a definitive identification was not yet possible from the information released, the missiles appeared to be either QW-1M missiles from China or Misagh-2 missiles from Iran.

“If these missiles are indeed one of these systems and were bound for an armed group, this is a significant development,” he said.

Many questions remain about the seizure, which Yemen said also included small arms ammunition, ground-to-ground rockets, explosives, military-grade binoculars and more.

Neither Yemen nor the United States has fully described the boarding of the dhow, including how it was detected or the precise roles of the security services and vessels that were involved. The dhow’s shipping documents, if they exist, have also not been made public, nor has any information obtained from the vessel’s navigation devices, logbooks or charts.

The seizure follows past joint operations by Yemen and the United States, including American Navy Tomahawk missile strikes against reputed Al Qaeda encampments in 2009 about which the governments issued false or misleading statements.

Investigations by members of the Yemeni Parliament and by Amnesty International later found that in one of those attacks, many civilians had been killed by American-made BLU-97 cluster munitions. The United States has not taken responsibility for the deaths or fully acknowledged its role, raising questions about the Pentagon’s honesty and transparency regarding its security collaboration with Yemen.

The antiaircraft missiles, as shown, included missile tubes and battery units, but not the trigger assemblies, known as grip stocks, necessary to fire the weapons.

The Yemeni authorities said they believed the missiles were destined for the rebels, known as the Huthis, who control a de facto statelet in northwestern Yemen, along the Saudi border. They also have a growing following, and are widely viewed as a threat to Yemen’s efforts to build a more unified nation after the uprising and political crisis of 2011.

The Huthis fought an intermittent guerrilla war against the Yemeni government from 2004 to 2010, gaining combat experience and building up supplies, including munitions obtained from Yemen’s corrupt military. They also briefly fought the Saudi military. Yemen has a vast supply of unregulated weapons and is a hub of regional arms trading.

The Huthis are Zaydis, followers of a variant of Shiite Islam, and they make up about a quarter of Yemen’s population. That sectarian affiliation — however distant — with Iran’s mainstream Shiite population has been the basis for repeated accusations of Iranian influence over the Huthis. Iran’s support appears to be ideological rather than military, and its extent is unclear.

C. J. Chivers reported from the United States and Robert F. Worth from Washington.